THINGS REV. FRANK CHIKANE COULD NOT SAY, AND THOSE THAT DEPUTY PRESIDENT RAMAPHOSA DID

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THINGS REV. FRANK CHIKANE COULD NOT SAY, AND THOSE THAT DEPUTY PRESIDENT RAMAPHOSA DID

Two key voices recently gave us unprecidented insight into the state of South Africa’s political economy. The first came from Rev. Frank Chikane, reflecting on his experiences during more than a decade of public service in the Presidency. The second came from newcomer to the Presidency, business tycoon and former unionist, Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa. Their revelations are telling, and we should be concerned. The first relates to the character and culture of the State under the current African National Congress (ANC) government. The second concerns the system of cross-sectoral patronage that has emerged in post Apartheid South Africa.

Reading Rev. Chikane’s book entitled, "Things That Could Not Be Said", one cannot help but notice the pervading culture of suspicion that has gripped the state. Rev. Chikane’s account of public service under all our democratic presidents, alludes to a growing survivalist posture by those in power, constantly calculating the state of play. Their rationale seems to be deeply rooted in an "us versus them" perspective, imbued with the notion of a "balance of forces" with which to contend. Such a militarist strategic approach is certainly appropriate in the context of war, where one’s enemies seek to exact one’s destruction. In the context of politics though, and governance in particular, it results in the mystification of the actions of other actors on the observer’s own ideological terms, leading to an absurd miscalculation of the extent to which all actors are actually interdependent. Examples of this are abundant, with ANC Director General Gwede Mantashe noting the party’s suspicion at the serendipitous opposition to Zuma from the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the Public Protector. One would think that Julius Malema and Thuli Madonsela are allies in a conspiracy to oust the President, if DG Mantashe was to be believed. Not to mention the more recent claims about CIA agents infiltrating our institutions.

Our politicians are paranoid, see an enemy looming behind every critic and opponent, plotting to overthrow them in the hallways of every contrary institution.

As Boraine argues in his recent account of the state of parliament, these cultural elements are the results of the ANC’s legacy as a militant struggle movement and continue to persist, casting a shadow over our organs of state and setting the current tone of government.

The second observation that should concern us, is the elitist system depicted by the Deputy President in his statement to the Marikana Commission of Inquiry. In the DP’s statement, he defensively describes the inner workings of an interwoven relationship of mutual benefit between a ruling business elite, and those in public office. A complexity which he of course embodies personally. Vested interests, on both sides, seem to have become a nested system of mutual interests. In technical terms, we are witnessing the emergence of a ‘panarchy’ of patronage, a maze of interconnected circles of beneficiation of the wrong kind, that only benefit a few.

The reason why these developments should be of concern are numerous. For one, the suspicion that characterises the state creates an environment of accusation and distrust. These are the seeds from which witch-hunts and political bullying have flourished throughout history across the globe. They are the hallmarks of the regimes that have occupied the Kremlin from Stalin to Putin and were the breeding ground for the dictatorships of Idiamien and Mao Zedong. Furthermore, the arranged marriage between political and business elites resulting from the negotiated settlement and subsequent attempts at BB-BEE, unwittingly depicted by the DP, is also worrying in that it constitutes the beginnings of an oligarchical ruling class, which mobilises state resources to protect private interests. Globally, such forms of incestuous connectedness have led to the autonomy and integrity of state apparatus being degraded and to private resources being mobilised for predatory gains. It happened to have been the virulent model that informed the mercantile endeavours of the colonial powers in earlier centuries.

This is not the manner and mode of democratic freedom for which many South Africans paid a price.

It is my view that South Africans demand democracy, in every sense of the word, not merely ‘the vote’. That is what lies behind the complaints about public sector corruption and private sector collusion. In fact, the only crescendo of public opinion which rings louder than those, is the demand for substantive social and economic transformation. All of these are of course interlinked. These are the real forces being kept in balance that will define our national destiny.

If an overly-sensitive and suspicious ruling elite, are allowed to double up as an economic hegemony with interests to protect, ordinary citizens will inevitably become isolated from power and prevented from pushing back against institutionalised injustice and the abuse of power. These are the kinds of eventualities that saw Pussycat Riot arrested by Putin and saw Snowden, paradoxically, flee the free West for refuge in Russia.

Democracy is an imperfect system I concede, but South Africans insist on a democracy in which government serves the good of the people and not the politically connected alone. A democracy in which business is conducted fairly, transparently, and with a healthy measure of social consciousness. A democracy in which freedom of opinion, freedom of expression and freedom of speech is held in high regard. A democracy in which a citizen is as powerful as a president.

What should the response be to these two symptoms that now mark our political economy? Perhaps a ‘Cinderella Approach’, would stand us in good stead – if the shoe fits, wear it! If not, don’t take this assessment personally. There are those leaders who are driven by a self preserving suspicion and lash out in irrational finger-pointing tirades at opponents they consider to be enemies. There are those who find themselves imbedded in a system of patronage that is not only unjust, a betrayal of our valued democratic legacy, but simply unsustainable and dangerous.

Due to the deep-seated loyalties from where domestic political alliances in South Africa arise, combating these symptoms will likely only be possible through a self–reflective change from among our leaders themselves. Many citizens are too blindly aligned to be critically engaged.

Our only option is that thoughtful leaders acknowledge the extent of these two elements, and truncate them within their sphere influence. This demands a higher order of leadership than the constituencies of such leaders demand. It implies that political leaders relinquish rhetoric in favor of rational debate. It implies that business leaders relinquish questionable gains, in favour of good honest business. It requires leadership of a higher order then we have mostly seen to date.

Until such leaders step up, I am reminded of the admonition that "…we do not have the leaders we desire, but the leaders we deserve." On the part of citizens, an awakening is required to the reality that healthy democracy requires robust agitation. We should not underestimate the depth of the democratic ideal in the hearts of South African citizens. I cannot imagine that they will tolerate petty politics and predatory business indefinitely.

Marius Oosthuizen is a faculty member and researcher at GIBS. He teaches leadership, strategy and ethics, and heads up the Future of Business in SA Project.

Marius Oosthuizen www.gibs.co.za – Faculty, Researcher
www.thecusp.co.za – Consultant

Marius Oosthuizen
Programme Coordinator
Gordon Institute of Business Science

Main Tel: +27 11 771 4000
Direct Tel: +27 11 771 4378
Fax:
E-mail: oosthuizenm@gibs.co.za
Web: www.gibs.co.za

Founded in 2000, the University of Pretoria’s Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) is an internationally accredited business school, based in Johannesburg, South Africa’s economic hub. As the business school for business, we focus on general management in dynamic markets to significantly improve individual and organisational performance, primarily in the South African environment, through the provision of high quality business and management education. In May 2014 the annual UK Financial Times Executive Education rankings, a global benchmark for providers of executive education, once again ranked GIBS as the top South African and African business school. This is the eleventh year running that GIBS has been ranked among the top business schools worldwide. In October 2013 the GIBS MBA was ranked among the top 100 business schools globally in the prestigious Financial Times Executive MBA Rankings. Ranked in 70th position, GIBS is the only business school in Africa to appear in this ranking.

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